Syrian President Ahmad al-Sharaa has outlined a policy toward Lebanon that blends support for state sovereignty with deeper regional economic integration, insisting that Damascus has no intention of intervening militarily in its neighbor and warning that Lebanon’s crisis cannot be solved through security measures alone.
In an interview with Al Jazeera, Sharaa said Syria was coordinating with the Lebanese government on ways to help the country navigate its current turmoil and achieve greater stability. Lebanon’s security, he argued, is inseparable from Syria’s own, given the two countries’ extensive geographic, economic and social ties. Any internal collapse or renewed civil war in Lebanon, he said, would inevitably reverberate across Syria.
His remarks come amid heightened regional tensions involving the United States, Iran and Israel, and growing fears that further escalation could engulf both Syria and Lebanon. Al-Sharaa said Damascus had worked to keep Syria out of ongoing conflicts while acting within a broader Arab framework.
He also reiterated that the Syrian state must retain exclusive authority over the law, weapons and decisions of war and peace. Armed groups operating outside state institutions, he said, have produced “negative and catastrophic” consequences across the region for decades.
“Most of Lebanon’s land border is with Syria, so whatever affects Lebanon affects Syria,” Sharaa said. “We are deeply concerned about the possibility that the situation in Lebanon could explode.”
He criticized Hezbollah’s continued possession of weapons outside the authority of the Lebanese state and recalled the group’s intervention alongside Bashar al-Assad’s government during the Syrian war.
“Hezbollah participated with the former regime in its brutal war against the Syrian people for 14 years,” he said. “It still carries weapons and is deployed along the Syrian-Lebanese border.”
Sharaa said Lebanon must determine whether Hezbollah operates under state authority or independently of it.
At the same time, Damascus has publicly ruled out sending forces into Lebanon to confront Hezbollah. Syrian officials have instead signaled readiness to pursue political contacts—including possible talks with the group—when such engagement serves the interests of security and stability. During a visit to Beirut in early July, Foreign Minister Asaad Shibani said Syria was open to meeting Hezbollah “if interests require it.”
A New Basis for Relations with Lebanon
Sharaa’s comments reflect a broader effort by Syria’s new authorities to replace the interventionist posture associated with the Assad era with a relationship grounded in state institutions, mutual sovereignty and shared interests.
Wael Alwan, a researcher at the Jusoor Center for Studies, said the emerging Syrian role in Lebanon differs sharply from the former government’s approach, which contributed to regional instability.
“Syria today is entirely different from the Syria of the past,” Alwan said. “It supports security and stability rather than creating disorder.”
He said Syria cannot remain indifferent to Lebanon because of geography, history and politics, but added that Damascus is seeking to avoid the intrusive practices that once made its role a source of anxiety for many Lebanese.
Diplomatic exchanges have accompanied the shift. During his July visit to Beirut, Shibani met President Joseph Aoun, Prime Minister Nawaf Salam, Parliament Speaker Nabih Berri and senior religious and political figures. Discussions covered political, security and economic ties.
Both sides framed the visit as part of an effort to establish a state-to-state relationship and expand cooperation on border security, trade, refugee returns and development.
Energy Corridors from Kirkuk to the Mediterranean
Economic integration—especially in energy and transport—has become a central pillar of Syria’s regional policy.
Iraq and Syria recently agreed to pursue rehabilitation of the Kirkuk–Baniyas crude-oil pipeline, which would give Iraq an additional outlet to the Mediterranean and reduce its dependence on export routes through the Gulf and the Strait of Hormuz. The project has gained urgency amid disruptions to Gulf shipping during the conflict involving Iran.
The historical pipeline linked northern Iraq’s oilfields to the Syrian port of Baniyas. Current plans envision rebuilding the route and connecting it to broader regional infrastructure.
For Iraq, the project could diversify export corridors, shorten access to Mediterranean and European markets and reduce exposure to geopolitical shocks in the Gulf. Syria could benefit from transit fees, investment and the rehabilitation of transport and energy infrastructure damaged during years of war.
Published estimates of the pipeline’s potential capacity vary widely. Some proposals envision several hundred thousand barrels per day; others imagine a much larger regional network. No final capacity or completion date has been set.
Lebanon has also sought a role. During a visit to Baghdad, Prime Minister Nawaf Salam discussed using Lebanese territory and the port of Tripoli as an additional Mediterranean outlet for Iraqi oil. Lebanese officials argue that such a route could revive the historical Kirkuk–Tripoli connection and place Lebanon within a wider network linking Iraq, Syria and Mediterranean markets.
Tripoli’s deep-water port and existing storage facilities could make it suitable as a collection and export point, though the plan would require major rehabilitation of pipelines, tanks and related infrastructure.
The proposals remain in early stages, with no final agreement on financing, construction or transit-revenue allocation. Still, the discussions reflect an effort by Iraq, Syria and Lebanon to develop alternatives to more vulnerable export routes.
Economic Integration as a Stabilizing Policy
Supporters of the strategy argue that incorporating Lebanon into regional energy, transport and trade projects could strengthen state authority and give communities a greater economic stake in stability.
Tripoli—one of Lebanon’s poorest major cities—could benefit from investment in its port, storage facilities and transport links. Syrian officials and analysts also view northern Lebanon as a natural extension of commercial routes passing through Syrian territory.
This economic approach underpins Sharaa’s insistence that Lebanon’s problems cannot be addressed solely through military action. Rather than drawing Syria into confrontation with Hezbollah, Damascus is presenting regional cooperation and stronger state institutions as the foundations of long-term stability.
The policy also aligns with Syria’s effort to redefine its regional role. The new government increasingly portrays the country as a secure corridor for energy and goods connecting Iraq and the Gulf with Turkey, Lebanon and Europe.
These ambitions face significant obstacles: both Syria and Lebanon require major infrastructure investment, credible commercial regulation and sustained political stability. The status of armed groups, unresolved border issues and continuing Israeli military action also threaten regional projects.
Avoiding Wider Conflicts
Sharaa said Syria intends to avoid entering conflicts that do not serve its interests while remaining part of collective Arab decisions under the Arab League.
He described the policy not as strict neutrality but as an effort to keep Syria from becoming part of regional problems while allowing it to contribute to solutions.
The same principle shapes Damascus’s approach to Israel. Sharaa said Syria is seeking a security agreement that could reduce the risk of confrontation and potentially open the way to a broader settlement, while maintaining its claim to the occupied Golan Heights.
“We are trying to reach a security agreement and involve several countries in pressing Israel,” he said. “We are avoiding futile clashes and conflicts.”
If an agreement were reached and respected by Israel, he said, it could prepare the ground for a later stage involving a more comprehensive peace—without Syria relinquishing its rights in the Golan Heights.
Sharaa expressed skepticism about a separate Lebanese-Israeli arrangement, saying the Lebanese track contains numerous gaps and differs fundamentally from Syria’s own negotiations.
Taken together, his remarks outline a Syrian regional policy built on three pillars: avoiding direct military entanglement, restoring state authority over armed actors and building economic links that give neighboring countries a shared interest in stability.
For Lebanon, the vision offers potential access to new energy and trade corridors—and renewed pressure to resolve the question of weapons outside state control.
For Syria, the policy is part of a broader effort to shift from being an arena for regional conflict to becoming a link between Iraq, Lebanon, the Gulf, Turkey and Europe.
This article was translated and edited by The Syrian Observer. The Syrian Observer has not verified the content of this story. Responsibility for the information and views set out in this article lies entirely with the author.
